By Dorothy McBride Stetson
Containing the result of a cross-national study undertaking on abortion politics in 11 democratic states (between the Nineteen Sixties and 2000), this quantity marks significant development in abortion study. It develops a finished study layout to envision even if women's coverage businesses (institutional teams meant to enhance the prestige of ladies) have functioned as precious and powerful allies of women's activities. It explores their efforts to achieve entry to energy arenas and safe abortion legislation that coincide with feminist pursuits. certainly, those findings represent a rigorous software of comparative technique to evaluate factors from social stream and democratic thought concerning adaptations in country feminism and move good fortune.
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Extra resources for Abortion Politics, Women's Movements, and the Democratic State: A Comparative Study of State Feminism (Gender and Politics Series)
3 Interest aggregation takes place primarily within the parties and at party conventions, and as party leaders hear the demands of different groups linked to the party. The parties continue to perform the function of interest aggregation in the legislature and executive. The parties, especially the Austrian Social Democratic Party, have been so central to the policy-making process that they must be included, along with the Parliament, among the decision-making arenas where most important policy on abortion is adopted.
Lay associations organized a campaign for more democracy and participation in the Church. They questioned the traditional roles of women and pressed for modernization on matters of sexuality and contraception. Fundamentalists opposed these demands and used the medical debate on mifegyne to advance fundamentalist moral positions. Anti-abortionists sought to shape the discourse on mifegyne to force, once again, a debate on the morality of abortion itself. At first they were successful in turning public attention away from the medical to the ethical questions.
As the governing party, it was able to control political decisions on all policy issues. Although the Social Democratic Party lost its absolute majority in 1983, it remained the strongest party in Parliament and played a dominant role within several coalition governments until 1999. Thus, the Austrian Social Democratic * REGINA KOPL 21 Party dominated government and Parliament for almost 30 years, a period of rule which was unique for a western European party. The universe of abortion debates in Austria between the 1970 and the present has therefore been drawn not only from decisions that took place in Parliament but also from those in the Austrian Social Democratic party and its Lager.